Ancient Influences: Indigenous and Christian Beliefs in Mexican Masks

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1 McGee 1 Morgan McGee Ancient Influences: Indigenous and Christian Beliefs in Mexican Masks One of the most fascinating elements of contemporary Latin American culture is the way in which art and tradition reflect a fusion of ancient, indigenous cultures and outside influences that acted on them, particularly the Spanish Catholic conquerors. As in many cultures, ancient Mesoamerican cultures used masks to portray deities and honor important figures. In contemporary Mexico, one can witness many performances using masks as a centrally important element, a practice reminiscent of pre-columbian times, though the dances themselves often tell Christian stories. Though the masks vary widely in form, they reflect their vast pool of influences and perhaps demonstrate something that is, in itself, uniquely Mexican. The Mint Museum has on display many of these masks, which I will reference as examples of this prolific art form. The earliest evidence of masking in Mesoamerica dates to the middle Preclassic period. Both the Olmec and village cultures of the time created masks, ceramic in the villages and often made of jade or serpentine stone in Olmec areas. These early masks already prefigure common elements of later Mesoamerican masks; some seem to indicate prototypal versions of important deities, and many reflect common dualities found in Mesoamerican art, such as the were-jaguar and half-living, half-skull faces (Shelton 88). While Olmec masks feature the expressive faces common in Olmec art, later masks originating in Mezcala and later influencing masks found in Teotihuacan are extremely simple, having few features and no expression at all. Masks from Mezcala have been found in situ in burial sites, and while the examples from Teotihuacan have

2 McGee 2 been found outside of their original context, it is assumed that these also had a funerary purpose (Shelton 88). The tradition of masking continued into Aztec times; archaeological evidence as well as records in codices demonstrate a variety of uses for masks. The Aztec continued to use masks for funerary purposes, being placed over the faces of the bodies of rulers and priests; each mask apparently represents a deity, likely the one with which the figure was most closely associated. Aztec art also frequently depicts deities (Tlaloc, Quetzalcoatl-Ehactl, and the underworld god Mictlantecuhtli especially) wearing masks, thus priests are also shown wearing similar masks to impersonate these deities. Masks were also worn in performances meant for entertainment rather than ritual, often depicting neighboring people in an unfavorable light (Shelton 93-96). Though the mask is usually seen cross-culturally as an object of transformation, a way for the wearer to become someone or something else, pre-columbian Mesoamerican masks do not seem to have had this purpose. From Olmec to Aztec times, conventions of depiction of masked figures tend to emphasize both the mask and the wearer's face, indicating that the purpose of the mask was not to completely conceal the wearer's identity. Instead, it can be assumed that the wearing of the mask was meant to symbolize the coexistence of different states of being (the human and the spiritual) in one body. Masks were also thought to hold great spiritual power, and were considered to have protective and curative aspects (Shelton 98). When the Spanish arrived in Mesoamerica, they encountered a pagan society that they felt the need to Christianize. Thus they made great efforts to suppress the pagan traditions of the indigenous people, which they perceived as idolatrous and sinful. However, it was not a simple

3 McGee 3 task to eliminate religious traditions that had been in place for centuries, and indeed it must be said that the conquerors were not entirely successful at this, despite whatever modest or superficial successes they could have claimed. What the Spanish did manage to achieve was a syncretic blending of Catholicism with the religions of the indigenous people, a blend that represented varying levels of legitimate acceptance of Christianity depending on the region and the specific people in question. Many native people adapted their existing rituals to a Christian context, worshipping the Christian god on the surface, though many of them likely conceptualized these ceremonies in their traditional framework. Apparent parallels between the two traditions made it easier to merge them in different ways, resulting in questionable Christianity (at least in the first few generations) but many fascinating cultural complexes as well (Markman ). One of the many ways in which the Spanish allowed, and perhaps encouraged, the syncretic blending of indigenous and European ritual was in the masked dance, which had been performed throughout pre-columbian Mesoamerica. While worship of traditional gods was outlawed, and the conquerors worried that performance of these rituals would only encourage the continued worship of indigenous deities, they were clever enough to realize that it would be more effective to adapt existing rituals to Christian belief than to solely introduce entirely new ones. The performances that the Spanish introduced, as well as some that reflect mostly indigenous beliefs, are still performed today, though interestingly some, such as the Moros y Cristianos, are primarily performed by the indigenous populations, despite having a Christian basis (Markman 161). Peter and Roberta Markman argue that this is because the dances, even those that represent the triumph of Christianity over the infidels, easily "encompass vestiges of

4 McGee 4 aboriginal ritual" and were thus enthusiastically adopted by the native populations of Mexico and persist to this day (162). The Dance of the Conquest, which depicts the defeat of the indigenous populations in Mesoamerica by the Spanish, is interesting in the different ways it is performed and what these differing depictions represent. One group, the Concheros of central Mexico, performs the Conquest in a way that lauds it as triumphal, as it allowed the indigenous people of Mexico to have their eyes opened to the Christian faith. Some of the Maya in Guatemala, on the other hand, focus heavily on the indigenous characters in the performance, glossing over much of the religious context and turning it into a story about the Maya themselves (Markman 163). Sometimes, in these performances, though the indigenous leaders are defeated, there is a shred of hope presented that their people may eventually be victorious (Shelton 103). One of the most prominent dance performances is the Moros y Cristianos, or the dance of the Moors and Christians, a Spanish dance that tells the story of the defeat of the Muslim Moors and was introduced in Latin America to demonstrate the power of the Spanish and their faith. The dance itself takes many forms and variants exist under other names, some reenacting other struggles, like the dance of the Twelve Peers of France; all of these variants, however, depict the triumph of Christianity over the infidels (Reents-Budet 65). The dance includes staged combat between the opposing forces, ending in the defeat of the non-christian army. This dance is performed across various regions in Mexico, and the masks used are highly varied in their depictions of the characters. The Christian masks are usually light-skinned and well-groomed, while Moro masks are incredibly diverse in form. Depending on the location, they may be red, black, or beige-skinned; they vary in style from naturalistic to somewhat outrageous, probably

5 McGee 5 representing their non-christianity and thus lack of proper Christian morality and behavior (Reents-Budet 66). Though most of the dances that are still performed in Mexico today reflect some sort of European origin, some reflect a higher degree of indigenous influence than others. For example, dances featuring the jaguar (known as el tigre) are prevalent throughout contemporary Mexico. Though the first record of a jaguar dance is from colonial times, it is almost certain that the dance tradition began in pre-columbian times (Markman 167). The jaguar had been an integral element of Mesoamerican beliefs since at least Olmec times, representing a powerful spiritual force. In many dances, the jaguar is the antagonist, representing the untamed forces of nature. The Danza de los Tecuanes tells the story of the defeat of a jaguar who has been terrorizing local villages, killing the livestock and even people. The emphasis in the dance is on the contrast between the jaguar and the civilized hunter. The dialogue in some versions of the dance points out various visual elements of the hunter's mask in order to call attention to his humanity: "Is it true that you have a bushy beard? Is it true that you are handsome and have rosy cheeks?" (Markman 168). Other dances similar to los Tecuanes, such as the dance of los Tlacololeros, are heavily imbued with symbolism of agriculture and fertility, hearkening back to pre-columbian tradition (Markman 169). Jaguars are not always seen as antagonists, though they are always beings of great power; in some perormances, the jaguar plays a protective or guardian role (Reents-Budet 80). The imagery of contemporary jaguar masks recalls the depictions of jaguars during ancient times; the emphasis in most masks is on the exaggerated snarling mouth, while the eyes tend to be large and disc-like (Markman 169). Some are highly stylized and others more naturalistic;

6 McGee 6 many are decorated with clumps of hair. They are often green or yellow, possibly a reference to the colors of maize, symbolizing agricultural fertility (Reents-Budet 79). While the jaguar is the major exception to the primarily humanoid form that Mexican masks take, other animals are also sometimes featured, particularly during Carnival; deer, goats, and monkeys frequently appear, with deer often appearing in association with hunting and monkeys primarily being associated with song and dance (Reents-Budet 82). Carnival, beginning before Lent, is celebrated throughout Mexico and features many masked performances that demonstrate the variety of characters conveyed through masking; these dances also show many elements of syncretic blending of indigenous beliefs and Christianity as well. Carnival is a festive time in which much of the normal social order is effectively dismantled or ignored, thus the performances often feature raucous and inappropriate behavior. Masked characters like the Viejos (Old Men) can be clownlike, entertaining and berating the crowd. However, the Viejos, though ubiquitous, have many different purposes depending on the performance; they can also be highly respected characters; some performances feature contrasting types of Viejo masks -- ugly and more attractive -- to depict a contrast between proper and improper behavior (Reents-Budet 69-70). Some regions' Carnival performances feature characters called catrines (dandies); their masks usually have very European figures, but some of their associations, such as the umbrellas they carry to encourage rain, reflect indigenous traditions (Reents-Budet 69). Another popular character type is that of the Negritos, or little black men. Examples of these can be seen in performances across Mexico, and they too have varied significance; they do not necessarily depict figures of African origin, as some of the figures may instead be associated

7 McGee 7 with black as a symbolic color (Reents-Budet 74). Some, however, do depict African characters, such as the African overseers who were sent to Mexico to act as intermediaries between the native population and Spanish conquerors; these characters are associated with power and ornate dress and pageantry. While some Negrito figures represent authority and upright behavior, others function as clownlike figures much like the Viejos and some forms of devil figures (Reents- Budet 75-76). The transformative nature of the mask, though not predominant in ancient Mesoamerica, comes to the forefront in contemporary Mexican performances; now, performers are transformed into a wide variety of characters stemming from Mexican history, Christian legend, and indigenous tradition. The juxtaposition of these elements seems contradictory at first, but it is simply the way Mexican culture has developed over time; a similar syncretic blending is evident in contemporary celebrations of the Dias de los Muertos. The study of masking traditions and the performances they are associated with demonstrate how complex the development of Mexican culture was (and continues to be) after the Spanish conquest. Therefore, they are one of many indicators of a particularly Mexican culture that is based both on the ancient traditions of the native peoples and the culture of the Europeans who conquered them but never entirely managed to stamp out their way of life.

8 McGee 8 Works Cited Markman, Peter T. and Roberta H. Masks of the Spirit: Image and Metaphor in Mesoamerica. Berkeley: University of California Press, Print. Reents-Budet, Dorie. The Transformed Self: Performance Masks of Mexico. Passionate Journey: The Grice Collection of Native American Art. Charlotte: Mint Museum of Art, Print. Shelton, Anthony. Fictions and Parodies: Masquerade in Mexico and Highland South America. Masks and the Art of Expression. Ed. John Mack. New York: Harry N. Abrams, Inc., Print.

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