Mahjong Gambling in the Chinese-Australian Community in Sydney: A Prevalence Study

Transcription

1 J Gambl Stud (2010) 26: DOI /s ORIGINAL PAPER Mahjong Gambling in the Chinese-Australian Community in Sydney: A Prevalence Study Wu Yi Zheng Michael Walker Alex Blaszczynski Published online: 21 November 2009 Springer Science+Business Media, LLC 2009 Abstract Mahjong is a popular gambling game played in Chinese communities all over the world (Papineau, China Perspect 28:29 42, 2000) and is sometimes referred to as 国赌 (guodu, the Chinese national gambling game) or 修长城 (xiu changcheng, repairing the Great Wall). Exploratory studies using snowball sampling conducted by Zheng et al. (J Psychol Chin Soc 9(2): , 2008) indicated that Mahjong is not only a popular pastime within the Sydney Chinese community but also problematic for around 3% of players. The current study aimed to extend earlier studies by estimating the prevalence of Mahjong problem gambling in a random sample of Sydney Chinese community members. In addition, due to first-hand gambling experience of the first author with superstitious Mahjong players, the study also investigated the role of superstitious beliefs in Mahjong gambling. The current study involved a series of self-report questionnaires administered to 469 randomly selected Chinese Australians in Sydney. The problem gambling rate, assessed by the Canadian Problem Gambling Index (CPGI), was 3.8%, with Chinese males and older Chinese prominent. Superstitious beliefs were found to play a part in the maintenance of Mahjong gambling behaviour. Information stemming from the current study has helped gain insight into culturally specific forms of gambling, and to identify correlates of problem gamblers. Funding bodies and counselling services should be aware of the existence of this form of gambling, and should devise appropriate treatment plans for Mahjong problem gamblers. Keywords Mahjong Chinese problem gambling Superstitious beliefs W. Y. Zheng (&) 38 Elizabeth Street, Campsie, NSW 2194, Australia wuz@psych.usyd.edu.au; wyzheng20@gmail.com W. Y. Zheng M. Walker A. Blaszczynski School of Psychology, The University of Sydney, Sydney, NSW 2006, Australia

2 442 J Gambl Stud (2010) 26: Chinese Gambling in Australia Historically, Chinese gambling has been prevalent in Australia since early European settlement. Traditional games brought to Australia in the 1840s by Chinese settlers spread through the gold fields and then to the major cities (Thomas 2000). The New South Wales Royal Commission (1892) on alleged Chinese gambling and immorality depicted the Chinese community as very largely addicted to gambling. Indeed, of a Chinese population of about 3,500 in the city of Sydney and suburbs there cannot be fewer than 700 individuals practically subsisting upon the proceeds of gambling-houses (New South Wales Royal Commission 1892, p. 19). Similarly, in nineteenth Century Victoria, the public perception entailed the image of gambling and opium smoking as characteristic of the Chinese population (Cooper-Ainsworth 1995), with reports suggesting that Chinese gambling was an enduring concern for the police (Presland 1995). In 1892, an anti-chinese petition was signed in Fremantle, denouncing Chinese gambling and suggesting that this ethnic minority had introduced the vice of gambling to Australia (Ryan 1995). Recent studies indicate that gambling continues to be a problem for the Chinese community, with Delfabbro (2008) suggesting that a proportion of Chinese in Australia are active gamblers who prefer casino table games and private betting on games such as Mahjong. Blaszczynski et al. (1998) distributed survey questionnaires to parents through children attending a local Chinese speaking school in Sydney. Using a Chinese translation of the SOGS, and a cut-off score of 10, a response rate of 27.4% was obtained. They found a higher prevalence estimate (2.9%) for the Chinese sample than the general population (1.2%), with rates higher for Chinese males (4.3%) compared to females (1.6%). The GAMECS Project (1999), conducted by the Ethnic Communities Council of NSW, examined gambling activities of regular gamblers in nine different ethnic communities in Sydney, including the Chinese. The Study found that Chinese-speakers regard gambling as a natural part of life and a social activity. The community preferred to play Mahjong, electronic gaming machines and casino table games, with the highest proportion of spending being at the casinos. Chinese gamblers believe they are skilful, in control and risk only what they can afford, but they often play longer than intended and chase losses. Over half felt they had a gambling problem, but few sought help, particularly not from extrafamilial services. The Victorian Casino and Gaming Authority initiated a survey of gambling which included Arabic, Chinese, Greek and Vietnamese communities (Thomas 2000). It was found that ethnic minority groups were significantly over-represented among problem gamblers, with rates among the four target cultural groups over five times higher than those found in other mainstream surveys (Table 1). Raylu and Oei (2004) compared Chinese and Caucasian gamblers in the Australian general community. Using a Chinese translation of the SOGS and a cut-off score of 10, a Table 1 Prevalence rates for ethnic minorities in the report to the Victorian Casino and Gaming Authority (2000) Cultural groups Chinese 10.7 Vietnamese 10.5 Greek 9 Arabic 7.2 General community 1.5 Percentage of SOGS scores of 5 or more

3 J Gambl Stud (2010) 26: prevalence estimate of 2.1% was found for the Chinese compared to 1.3% for the Caucasian participants. Based on these results, the authors speculated that the Chinese community might be more at risk of developing gambling problems (Raylu and Oei 2004). Scull and Woolcock (2005) used the snowball sampling technique to investigate gambling among Chinese, Greek and Vietnamese communities in Queensland. This qualitative research found that social gambling was popular in the Chinese community, often taking place among friends, in a home environment, and usually for relatively small sums of money. Chinese men experienced more problems than women, particularly married men with families. In summary, research suggests higher rates of Chinese Australians compared to other segments of Australian society are adversely affected by problems resulting from their gambling behaviour. Gambling involvement includes both mainstream gambling activities such as gaming machines and casino games, and also cultural-specific forms of gambling such as Mahjong. Gambling and Mahjong Mahjong ( 麻将 ) is a four-player gambling game which originated in China. A favourite among the Chinese for centuries, its name is apropos of the sound made by the tiles clicking together during play (Whitney 1964, p. 9). The origin of the game is uncertain, but evidence points to the game being developed in the Ningpo area of China in the 1870s (Bell 1976; Headley and Seeley 1978). It was rumoured to be a game for royals, carrying a death penalty for play by the unprivileged (Bell 1976). Times have changed considerably as the clacking of Mahjong tiles have become an integral part of Chinese lifestyle. Millionaires and labourers play it. It is like knowing how to hold a pair of chopsticks properly (Papineau 2000, p. 29). Mahjong was so popular in the 1920s that people often paid fees to teachers and for real time practice. It is common for husbands to teach wives, and for adults to teach children. Playing pieces in Mahjong are known as tiles, with 144 tiles in a set (Headley and Seeley 1978). The object of the game is to draw and discard tiles to obtain a complete Mahjong hand of 14 tiles consisting of four pungs ( 碰 ) or three of a kind, and/or chis ( 吃 ) or sequence of three, and a jiang ( 将 ) or a pair ahead of three opponents (Bell 1976). Thus, the typical winning hand is 3,3,3,3,2, where each combination of three tiles is either three of a kind (pung) or three in a sequence (chi). According to some researchers, Mahjong is particularly popular with women and the older generation (Scull 2003; Tang et al. 2007), with anecdotal evidence suggesting participation can prevent mental deterioration associated with old-age. Chinese Mahjong permits quick exchange of money with a hand lasting on average 5 6 min (Bell 1976). For many people, Mahjong is an opportunity for socialization with the monetary reward relatively unimportant or absent altogether (Leung 2002; Li 2007). However, some players use the game as a means to earn quick money. Most Chinese learn the game at a very young age, usually through early exposure to game-play by family and friends. By the age of 10, many participate in gambling with money given to them by relatives (Leung 2002). The increased exposure to, and the parental approval of this form of gambling may increase their likelihood of continued gambling. Introduced to the game without adequate education on potential harms of gambling, it has been argued that young players may struggle to identify danger signs associated with problem gambling and prevent negative consequences for individuals, and their families (Wong and Tse 2003).

4 444 J Gambl Stud (2010) 26: Influence of Superstitious Beliefs on Mahjong Gambling According to Walker (1992), money is the primary motivation for gambling. Problem gambling is motivated and maintained by irrational beliefs related to the gambler s subjective expectation of winning. Gambling would not be popular if gamblers engaged in a rational appraisal of the activity (Walker 1992). A great deal of evidence supports the claim that erroneous beliefs about gambling are associated with problem gambling (for example, Walker 1992; Ladouceur and Walker 1996; Toneatto 1999; Raylu and Oei 2004). Superstitious beliefs are defined as a perceived strong cause-effect association of two independent events based on erroneous perception (Joukhador et al. 2004) and form one category of erroneous beliefs typically reported in gambling. Problem gamblers are found to endorse more superstitious beliefs than non-problem gamblers (Joukhador et al. 2004; May et al. 2005), with Oei et al. (2008) finding that Chinese Australians are more superstitious than Caucasians. The Chinese culture is one of the most superstitious in the world, with strong beliefs in luck and fortune and the association of colours, numbers, animals and objects to good or bad luck (Thomas 2000; Oei and Raylu 2007). Some believe that winning or losing in Mahjong during Chinese New Year celebrations is indicative of luck for the coming year (Chinese Family Life Services of Metro Toronto 1995). Others believe that one s concealed destiny can be revealed through gambling, with outcomes determining one s business prospects and love life (Papineau 2005). Wealthier gamblers consider money spent on gambling (at casinos and on Mahjong tables) as offerings to gods, a symbolic investment in the future prosperity of their business and descendants (Papineau 2005). Since the majority of Mahjong players come from Chinese backgrounds, it is likely that this group of gamblers may have high levels of superstitious beliefs about gambling. For example, lucky seats according to feng shui, are linked to success on the Mahjong table. Behavioural superstitions include beliefs that certain actions or rituals can increase the probability of winning. Mahjong players believe that a toilet break followed by the washing of hands can turn luck around. The idea is that the player will restart on a clean slate. The Current Study The current prevalence study extends from earlier exploratory studies conducted by Zheng et al. (2008). These studies found evidence that Mahjong is not only a popular game among members of the Chinese community in Sydney, but also a source of problems for a population. In the first study, it was found that five Chinese international students out of 172 (2.9%) tested with the CPGI scored in the problem gambling range. Similarly, in the second study, seven of 229 Chinese community members (3.1%) scored in the problem gambling range on the CPGI. Similarities in the attained rates of problem gambling suggest that the condition may be widespread in the Chinese community. Studies One and Two found that Chinese males play Mahjong for money more frequently than females. Furthermore, research indicates that Chinese males are more likely to gamble in general and more likely to develop problems (Scull 2003; Oei and Raylu 2007; Stucki and Rihs-Middel 2007). It may be that most Chinese males are the breadwinner in their family and have more money at their disposal to gamble. Thus, based on results from the first two studies and prior research, it was hypothesized that Chinese males will be more likely to gamble on Mahjong. Furthermore, if Chinese males are more likely to gamble then it is hypothesized that they are also more likely to develop Mahjong gambling problems.

5 J Gambl Stud (2010) 26: There appears to be conjecture with regard to the relationship between age and Mahjong gambling. Previous research (Scull 2003; Scull and Woolcock 2005) indicate that this game is particularly popular among the older Chinese. This was supported by study Two which found the frequency of Mahjong gambling to be higher for the older generation (35 years and over) compared to younger Chinese. However, results of Zheng et al. (2008) suggest that Mahjong gambling is also widespread in a sample of Chinese international students between 16 and 25 years of age. Thus, due to the conflicting evidence, it was hypothesised that likelihood of Mahjong gambling involvement are not determined by age. Logically, if superstitious beliefs imply a greater chance of winning, then the extent of superstitious beliefs would be expected to be associated with more gambling either as a cause or as a consequence. Studies One and Two found no evidence for this hypothesis but were based on samples of players that may have been unrepresentative of the Chinese community in general. Thus, given the plausibility of the link between superstitious beliefs and heavier gambling on Mahjong, this hypothesis is again advanced despite previous negative results. For the current study, it was hypothesized that Mahjong gamblers hold more Mahjong-related superstitious beliefs than social players. Furthermore, if superstitious beliefs plays a role in the progression from social play to gambling, then it could be postulated that higher levels of superstitious beliefs will likely be associated with higher levels of gambling problems (higher CPGI scores). In summary, the current study aims to obtain a Mahjong problem gambling prevalence estimate in Sydney, and in the process identify risk factors associated with problem development. Based on exploratory studies by Zheng et al. (2008), it was hypothesized that Chinese males are more likely to gamble on Mahjong and thus more likely to develop problems; that age is not a significant risk factor associated with problem development; and Mahjong gamblers are more superstitious than Mahjong social players. This is the first prevalence survey investigating the impact of Mahjong gambling on the Chinese Australian community in Sydney, and it aims to provide valuable knowledge on a culturallyspecific gambling game. Method Participants The sample consisted of 469 members (246 male and 223 female) of the Sydney Chinese community randomly selected from an electoral roll database. The mean age of the sample was 38.4 years (SD = 15.2). Other demographic information for the sample is included in Table 2. Recruitment Using an alphabetical index of Chinese surnames, 1,500 names (due to funding restrictions) were randomly drawn from the 2007 NSW State Electoral Roll. A questionnaire pack was posted to potential participants. The questionnaire pack included a letter of invitation, a participant information sheet, a consent form, a self-addressed postage paid envelope and a battery of four questionnaires. A total of 469 responses were obtained (31.3% response rate). Participants were requested to complete the following battery of questionnaires:

6 446 J Gambl Stud (2010) 26: Table 2 Demographic breakdown of sample Demographic variable Variable breakdown Marital status Married = 243 (51.8%) Single = 191 (40.7%) Divorced or separated = 26 (5.5%) Other = 9 (2%) Country/Place of origin P. R. of China = 320 (68.2%) Hong Kong = 63 (13.4%) Australia = 30 (6.4%) Other = 56 (12%) Education Bachelors degree or higher = 283 (60.3%) TAFE or lower = 186 (39.7%) Occupation Professionals = 128 (27.3%) Student = 112 (23.9%) Trades or self-employed = 96 (20.5%) At home = 88 (18.7%) Retail and customer service = 45 (9.6%) Demographic Questionnaire This self-report questionnaire elicited data on gender, age, marital status, country/place of origin, time spent living in Australia, occupation and level of education. Mahjong Habits This eight-item self-report questionnaire was designed by the authors to elicit data on Mahjong playing habits. Items elicited information on lifetime prevalence of play, 1-year prevalence of play and 1-year prevalence of Mahjong gambling. This section also included items on frequency of play, length of play per session, reason for play, perception of Mahjong play as more skill-based or luck-based, age of onset and recognition of Mahjong as a form of gambling. The Canadian Problem Gambling Index (CPGI) (Ferris and Wynne 2001) The CPGI (PGSI section) was included as the problem gambling assessment tool. Only participants who had gambled on Mahjong in the last 12 months were requested to complete this section. This instrument was specifically developed as a measure of community prevalence and its positive features include the ease of administration, brevity, and a more holistic approach to problem gambling than other commonly used instruments (Gambling Research Australia 2005). The problem gambling assessment section consists of five items that address problem gambling behaviour and four items on the consequences of gambling (Ferris and Wynne 2001). Each item is scored on a four-point Likert scale from 0 ( never ) to 3 ( almost always ) and a score of eight or more across the nine items defines the category of problem gambling. The CPGI has an internal consistency of 0.84 and a 4-week test retest correlation of 0.78 (Gambling Research Australia 2005). McMillen and Wenzel (2005) found that the CPGI demonstrated better measurement properties than the SOGS and the Victorian Gambling Screen.

7 J Gambl Stud (2010) 26: Table 3 Mahjong Superstitious beliefs Scale Item Mahjong superstition 1. Feng Shui of Mahjong seats is important 2. Players have the ability to go through unstoppable winning streaks 3. Small win in the opening game is bad luck 4. Bad luck will inevitably change into good luck on the Mahjong table 5. Beginners are lucky 6. Female companions are bad luck for male gamblers 7. Players should not be tapped on the shoulder during a session 8. Toilet breaks and the washing of hands can change luck Mahjong Superstitious Beliefs Scale This self-report questionnaire was developed by the first author to investigate whether involvement in Mahjong gambling is associated with the level of Mahjong-related superstitious beliefs. Items are presented in Table 3. Procedures The current research was approved by the University of Sydney Human Research Ethics Committee (project number: /9899). In the period of 3 months (February April 2008), three waves of 500 questionnaire packs were posted to the listed address of selected members of the Chinese community. Questionnaires were fully translated into simplified Chinese, with back-translation completed by a certified translator. Both English and Chinese versions were provided in the questionnaire pack, with both versions also uploaded onto the World Wide Web using the Quask program. Participants were given 3 weeks to return completed questionnaires. Alternatively, participants were given the option of completing the questionnaire online, with web links provided on the letter of invitation. The questionnaire required approximately 15 min to complete, with participants reimbursed for their time with a Coles shopping voucher (non-redeemable for cash) to the value of ten Australian dollars. Results As a measure of internal consistency, Cronbach s alpha was calculated for the CPGI (0.86) and the Mahjong Superstitious Beliefs Scale (0.76). Mahjong and Problem Gambling The CPGI results identified 3.8% (n = 18/469) of the sample as Mahjong problem gamblers (See Table 4). This figure was lower for females, with 1.3% (n = 3/223) classified as problem gamblers, 6.3% (n = 14/223) at moderate risk and 8.5% (n = 19/223) at low risk. Problem gambling was at a higher rate of 6.1% (n = 15/246) for males, with 11.4%

8 448 J Gambl Stud (2010) 26: Table 4 Breakdown by CPGI categories Category Frequency Percentage Non-problem Low risk Moderate risk Problem Non-gamblers Total (28/246) at moderate risk and 8.5% (n = 21/246) at low risk. Differences between genders were statistically significant (Chi-square = 12.28, p =.015). On average, Mahjong problem gamblers were years of age (SD = 13.67), with the gambling age of onset at years of age (SD = 7.52). This group had spent on average years in Australia (SD = 9.36), with the reported average amount lost per session of $ (SD = ) and average playtime per session of 8.17 h (SD = 6.24). Regression analysis revealed that male Mahjong gamblers (mean = 3.78, SD = 3.78) scored significantly higher than female gamblers (mean = 1.85, SD = 2.34) on the CPGI (b = 1.560, β =.229, p =.005), with higher scores on the Mahjong superstitious beliefs scale predicting higher scores on the CPGI (b =.573, β =.321, p =.000). Furthermore, it was found that gamblers playing for problematic reasons such as winning money, chasing losses and/or escaping life problems scored significantly higher on the CPGI than gamblers who played for leisure (b = 1.540, β =.228, p =.030). Mahjong Gambling in the Sydney Chinese Community Research by the Ethnic Communities Council of NSW in 1999 suggests that four out of ten Chinese gamblers play Mahjong. Results from the current study indicate that 77.8% (n = 365/469) of the sample had played the game at least once in their lifetime, with 48.8% (n = 229/469) having played Mahjong in the 12 months prior to the survey. The 1-year Mahjong gambling rate for the sample is 30.3% (n = 142/469). Logistic regression analyses were carried out using SPSS No gender difference was detected with money (gambling money on Mahjong, no = 0/yes = 1) as the dependent variable (Wald = 3.010, p =.083, Exp(B) = 1.440). Also, older Chinese (35 years and over) were no more likely to gamble on Mahjong than Chinese aged 34 and under (Wald =.651, p =.420, Exp(B) =.830). Characteristics of Mahjong Play On average, each session of play lasted 4.5 h, with a standard deviation of 3.4 h. Social players spent on average 2.9 h per session (SD = 2.3 h) compared to 5.4 h (SD = 3.6 h) for Mahjong gamblers. Linear regression analysis confirmed that Mahjong gamblers spent significantly more time per session than social players (b = 2.504, β =.359, p =.000). With regard to the loss of money, only gamblers who believed they had lost in more sessions than they had won provided a figure for amount of money lost per session

9 J Gambl Stud (2010) 26: (n = 73, 15.6%). On average, players lost $68.9 per session (SD = $86.4), with a minimum amount of $1 and a maximum amount of $500 lost per session. For social players, 8.1% (n = 7/87) play at least once a week compared to 26.8% (n = 38/142) for Mahjong gamblers. This discrepancy between the two groups is enlarged further when comparing frequency of play at the at least once a month level, with 19.5% (n = 17/87) for social players and 57% (n = 81/142) for Mahjong gamblers. Overall, 7.9% (n = 37/469) of the sample plays Mahjong for problematic reasons such as winning money, chasing losses or escaping from life problems. Such motivation for Mahjong play was much more prominent among Mahjong gamblers (23.9%, n = 34/142) than social players (3.5%, n = 3/87). Mahjong Gambling and Superstition Linear regression revealed that male participants believed in significantly more Mahjong superstitious items than females (b =.491, β =.113, p =.010), with gamblers endorsing more items than social players (b = 1.560, β =.329, p =.000). Furthermore, those who play for problematic reasons such as winning money, chasing losses or escaping life problems, are more superstitious than those who play for leisure (b = 1.235, β =.308, p =.001). Analyses of individual superstition items revealed that compared to social players, gamblers are more likely to believe in the importance of Feng Shui of seats around the table (Wald = , p =.000, Exp(B) = 3.933), that players can go through unstoppable winning streaks (Wald = , p =.000, Exp(B) = 2.447), that a small win on the opening game will bring bad luck (Wald = 8.561, p =.003, Exp(B) = 2.033), that good and bad luck will oscillate (Wald = , p =.000, Exp(B) = 4.793), that beginners are particularly lucky (Wald = , p =.000, Exp(B) = 2.844), that tapping a player on the shoulder will bring bad luck (Wald = 3.918, p =.048, Exp(B) = 1.563), and that toilet breaks can change bad luck into good luck (Wald = , p =.000, Exp (B) = 4.448). The gender breakdown revealed that both male (b = 1.284, β =.281, p =.000) and female (b = 1.926, β =.395, p =.000) gamblers are more superstitious than male and female social players respectively. Furthermore, both male (b = 1.116, β =.297, p =.017) and female (b = 1.340, β =.309, p =.030) players using Mahjong for problematic purposes are more superstitious than those who play for leisure. Support for individual items of Mahjong superstitious beliefs are outlined in Table 5. Table 5 Support for Mahjong superstition items Superstition item Frequency Percentage Feng Shui of seats 172/ Unstoppable winning streaks 259/ Opening game curse 107/ Oscillation of good and bad luck 352/ Beginners luck 189/ Curse of the girlfriend/wife 51/ Curse of the shoulder tap 147/ Toilet breaks can change luck /

10 450 J Gambl Stud (2010) 26: Discussion Mahjong Problem Gambling The current prevalence survey found that 3.8% of the Chinese Australian population in Sydney experience significant problems with Mahjong gambling, a rate much higher than the prevalence rate of 0.8% for the NSW general population (Nielsen 2006). For Mahjong problem gamblers, the reported average amount lost per session was $ (SD = $116.91). Since 78% (n = 14/18) of Mahjong problem gamblers in the sample play at least once a week, this equates to an annual loss of at least $6, ($ weeks) per individual. This is higher than the figure estimated by the Productivity Commission (1999) which indicate that a problem gambler lose on average at least $6,000 per year. Furthermore, the fact that five out of the eighteen Mahjong problem gamblers play more than once a week means that some members in this group may lose more money than the commission s higher estimate of $19,000 lost by a problem gambler per year. For the current study, problem gamblers were reluctant to divulge the true extent of their financial losses, with only half of this group (n = 9/18) reporting an average amount lost per session while others reported that they won on a regular basis. Thus, financial losses as a result of Mahjong problem gambling may be higher than reported. The current results indicate that Mahjong problem gamblers outlay larger amounts of time per session (8.16 h, SD = 6.24) compared to social players (2.9 h, SD = 2.3). Mahjong problem gamblers also spent more time gambling than at-risk gamblers from the prevalence study in NSW (Nielsen 2006). Seventy-eight per cent (n = 14/18) of Mahjong problem gamblers played more than 3 h per session, compared to 9% of at-risk poker machine gamblers in NSW, 21% of at-risk gamblers on horse/dog racing, and 25% of atrisk casino table game gamblers (Nielsen 2006). Furthermore, one-third (n = 6/18) of Mahjong problem gamblers spent more than 8 h per gambling session. Thus, the nature of Mahjong problem gambling may also involve the over-consumption of time that may cause gamblers to neglect responsibilities such as studies, work, child rearing, and/or family commitments. It is possible that problem gamblers may erroneously assume that by spending increasing amounts of time on the Mahjong table, one may be able to perfect their skills and/or wait for the inevitable arrival of good luck. Only by spending more time will gamblers achieve their ultimate goals of chasing previous losses and to win money. However, Mahjong may not produce severe problem gamblers. This is demonstrated in the relatively low CPGI scores for Mahjong problem gamblers (score range = 8 15). Unlike the continuous nature of electronic gaming machines or the excitement associated with casino games, Mahjong is a cultural-specific game played mostly by the in-group where losses and winning stays within the group and eventually evens out for many players, in the long run. The social component of the game may also prevent the development of severe gambling problems in most cases, as it takes four to gamble and the unavailability of one player will stop gambling sessions from taking place. Thus, strong players may seek to extract reasonable profits from lesser players rather than drive them from the game altogether. Risk Factors of Mahjong Problem Gambling The available data allows the main characteristics of the Mahjong problem gambler to be identified. A large majority of the group is male (n = 15/18). Even though the current results indicate that gender does not predict involvement in Mahjong gambling, the

11 J Gambl Stud (2010) 26: predominance of male problem gamblers suggests that gender is a risk factor associated with the development of Mahjong problem gambling. This was further supported by the finding that male Mahjong gamblers scored significantly higher on the CPGI than female gamblers, consistent with previous gambling research within the Australian general community (Productivity Commission 1999; Nielsen 2006) and the Chinese community (Wong and So 2003; Oei and Raylu 2007; Oei et al. 2008). It is likely that Chinese men tend to gamble excessively because they believe that they have a right to spend their money in any way they deem fit without interference from family or friends. Even though older Chinese (35 years and over) were no more likely to gamble on Mahjong than those aged 34 and under, a large number of problem gamblers (n = 13/18) were in the older age group. This contradicts general gambling research that has found that the younger age group is more at risk (Productivity Commission 1999; Nielsen 2006), but is consistent with previous research on Mahjong (Scull 2003; Papineau 2000; Scull and Woolcock 2005) that indicates that the game is popular among the older Chinese. A higher rate of problem gambling may be the result of a higher participation rate. Country/place of origin may be a significant predictor of Mahjong problem gambling. A majority of problem gamblers originated from the People s Republic of China (n = 12) where Mahjong is widely played. Research by Leung (2002) and Lam (2007) indicate that Mahjong is very popular in both Hong Kong and Macao, but there is no Mahjong gambling research based in the People s Republic of China. However, personal experience has led the first author to believe that Mahjong gambling is a major problem among the general population of this country. It is likely that the illegality of gambling is the primary reason why no academic research has taken place with this Chinese population. However, the popularity of Mahjong was substantiated by Papineau s (2005) anthropological research. With heavier involvement in Mahjong, one would expect high rates of Mahjong problem gambling. This is not expected to change with people migrating from the People s Republic of China to Australia. Since many Chinese consider gambling with family and friends to be an acceptable social activity (Lam 2007), this population may not even recognize the development of a gambling problem. Frequency and reason for play are two other indicators of problem development. All but four of the problem gamblers play Mahjong either more than once a week (n = 5) or at least once a week (n = 9). This is consistent with the problem gambling definition where excessive consumption of time can impact negatively on the daily functioning of the gambler. Coupled with long hours per session, Mahjong problem gamblers may neglect other obligations and commitments in order to maintain their gambling habit. Gambling may initially be a form of entertainment and a way to socialize, but for a small minority, the preoccupation turns increasingly to winning money and chasing losses (Griffiths and Delfabbro 2001). Thus, these reasons (win money = 7, escape = 2, chasing = 1) for play maybe a predictor of problems, as this group of players were found to have scored significantly higher on the CPGI than those playing for leisure. Many Chinese gamble to win money as wealth and fame have traditionally been representations of personal achievement (Lam 2007; Vong 2007). However, the idea of winning money from Mahjong is problematic because it is largely a game of luck. It is the luck of the draw that determines the outcome not skill. Even though elements of skill may increase one s chances of a win, players have little control over the outcome of the game. Secondly, if Mahjong is played mostly by a set group of people, then players are attempting to win money from the other three players. Unlike for example casino gambling where the house has substantial funds and single bets can result in significant financial gains, Mahjong players are limited financially and winnings in a single game are more likely to be small.

12 452 J Gambl Stud (2010) 26: Mahjong Superstitious Beliefs and Problem Gambling Great interest focuses on the role of superstitious beliefs in maintaining Mahjong play. From a cognitive perspective, it is hypothesised that the more a player believes in Mahjong superstitions, the greater the motivation to persist in play (Ladouceur and Walker 1996). Higher levels of Mahjong superstitious beliefs are expected to not only increase the likelihood of involvement in Mahjong gambling, but also the development of problems. As hypothesized, Mahjong gamblers endorsed significantly more superstitious items than social players, indicating that erroneous beliefs about the game may play a part in the progression from social participation to wagering of money. Research indicate that the more a chance situation contains factors of choice (i.e. seats around the table), familiarity (i.e. gambling companions), and involvement (i.e. level of skill), the more illusion of control afforded to the gamblers (Raylu and Oei 2002). Stronger beliefs by gamblers on matters such as the importance of Feng Shui of seats around the table, oscillation of good and bad luck, unstoppable winning streaks and the use of toilet breaks to change luck may give players the illusion of control and false hope of winning money. This finding was consistent across both genders in the current study. Also as hypothesized, higher levels of Mahjong superstitious beliefs predicted problems on Mahjong gambling (higher scores on the CPGI). Superstitious beliefs may replace rational thinking and place undue importance on the influence of unrelated events on outcomes of gambling. Findings that males were more superstitious than females, and gamblers who play for problematic reasons such as winning money, chasing losses or escaping life problems, are more superstitious than those who play for leisure, reinforces the importance of superstitious beliefs in the development of problems. Firstly, the more superstitious males dominated as Mahjong problem gamblers, and secondly, gamblers who play for problematic reasons are also prominent in the group. Other interesting Mahjong superstitions were provided by respondents which will prompt a revision of the Mahjong superstitious beliefs scale for future use. These include the belief that not wearing underwear will bring bad luck to other players, especially the opposing seat, never count one s winnings, and do not mention books in a Mahjong session as the pronunciation of the word book in Chinese also means to lose. Limitations and Future Direction The individuals who consented to participate in the study may differ in important ways from those who refuse to participate. Mahjong involvement may be a factor in consent or refusal. Thus, it is likely that those who did not respond may have confounded current results. On the one hand, it may be that their failure to respond was due to the lack of interest in Mahjong (implying no participation in Mahjong social play or gambling). If this is the case, then the current results may have overestimated the rate of Mahjong gambling and problem gambling. On the other hand, it may be that those who failed to respond were afraid to disclose the true extent of their gambling problems. Thus, current results may have underestimated the rate of Mahjong gambling and problem gambling. An investigation of gambling participation and problem gambling for individual types of gambling should be conducted with the Chinese Australian community in order to target at-risk types of gambling with educational programs. Is Mahjong the most problematic gambling game for Chinese Australians? Or are electronic gaming machines the cause of major gambling problems as it is the case for the Australian general population (Nielsen

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