Extended Essay in History The RA/FSA photography project during the Great Depression

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1 Extended Essay in History The RA/FSA photography project during the Great Depression Research Question: To what extent was the RA/FSA s photography project propagandistic? Candidate Name: Gabriel Civita Candidate Number: 0353 _ May 2015 Session Escola Graduada de São Paulo EE Subject: History EE Advisor: Charlie Potter Word Count: ~ 3516

2 Civita Ramirez 1 Abstract During the Great Depression, the Resettlement Administration (RA) sent out a dozen photographers to document America on film. Nowadays, the photographs artistic qualities are indisputable, but what often seems to stir up debate is whether the program had propagandistic intentions. Some scholars, like James Curtis, argue that the RA/FSA photographs aren t representative of the truth and were propagandistic. Others argue that the photographs have accurately depicted reality during the Depression, being dismissive of any possible political intention behind the project. My Extended Essay sets to answer To what extent was the RA/FSA s photography project propagandistic? To answer this question, I examined the political and visual context that might have led to or influenced the project s creation. Additionally, I examined how the photographers were instructed on what to photograph, how they photographed, and how the images were later edited and distributed. I looked into these factors from the year 1935 until The political context suggests that the photography program was created to convince politicians, the press, and the public that the RA s farming programs were effective. Additionally, the project s interests were clearly aligned with the documentary photography movement s main goal: to promote social change. While there is some evidence that the photographs were edited to bring about a political or social response, the very methods the photographers practiced, among other factors, lead to significant bias. Not only so, but from 1936 onwards the photographers were ordered to emphasise growth in their images. Moreover, many of these images found themselves in social welfare journals and government publications.

3 Civita Ramirez 2 In sum, since the project fails to prove it s impartiality on the many levels investigated, it is evident that the photographic project was propagandistic, even if it wasn t entirely deceitful. Word Count: 290

4 Civita Ramirez 3 Table of Contents 1. Introduction Method Context 3.1. Political context Visual context Content Conclusion Figures Works Cited...19

5 Civita Ramirez 4 1. Introduction: In the midst of the Great Depression, President Roosevelt began creating agencies as part of the New Deal in an effort to assist the poorest communities in America. Among the many organisations established was the Federal Emergency Relief Administration (FERA). In 1935, a branch of FERA with a similar goal was created, the Resettlement Administration (RA). It s goal was to help those affected by the recent farm mechanisation and the Dust Bowl. Rexford Guy Tugwell, one of the members from Roosevelt s Brain Trust, was put in charge of the agency. That same year, Tugwell established the Informational Division in the RA and hired Roy Stryker, whom he had worked with at Columbia University, to compile a photographic record of the RA s activities. In turn, Stryker hired more than half a dozen photographers and deployed them across the country. We set out to record on film as much of America as we could, Stryker explained (qtd. in Carlebach 19) and he met his objective. In the project s eight year lifetime, more than 270,000 images were captured (qtd. in Finnegan 37), captioned, and sent to the RA/FSA s headquarters in Washington for distribution. Around 20 years after the program s closure, the images were rediscovered by art critics and scholars, leading to an increase in academic discourse (Finnegan 39). This new discussion, in turn, brought up a research question worthy of investigation that this Extended Essay attempts to answer: To what extent was the RA/FSA s photography project propagandistic? Some historians argue that the project was painstaking, objective inquiry that disclosed the actuality of rural suffering during the Great Depression given the inherent honesty and authenticity of all

6 Civita Ramirez 5 documentary photographs (Curtis vii). Alternatively, some scholars argue that the FSA/RA photographs aren t representative of the truth and are propaganda. 2. Method I followed a set method to determine if the photography project was propagandistic. Propaganda is defined as the systematic dissemination of information, esp. in a biased or misleading way, in order to promote a political cause or point of view (qtd. in Meyer 23). With this definition in mind, propaganda can be visualized as a continuum. On the far right lies propaganda that is blatantly deceitful and misleading. Quite often, this type of propaganda is the only type of information permitted in a society. On the other side of the spectrum exists subtle propaganda: information that delicately promotes a cause or point of view. This type of propaganda is more frequent in functioning democracies. To determine whether the RA/FSA photography project was propagandistic, I examined the content the program produced from years 1935 to I looked into the following three factors, which aren t mutually exclusive: If and how the photographers were instructed on what to photograph. How the photographers photographed. How the photographs were edited and distributed. If the content proves to be completely impartial in these three categories, it can t be propaganda. Alternatively, if the content is found to be biased, misleading, or promoting a point of view in any of these categories, it qualifies as propaganda. Consequently, it can be placed somewhere in the propaganda continuum. It s place in the spectrum would vary relative to the level of bias or

7 Civita Ramirez 6 deceit. But, regardless of it s position in the continuum, the project itself would, consequently, qualify as propagandistic since it knowingly distributed the content. This Extended Essay also examines the context behind the photography project. It is important to note that while context in and of itself can t deem the project propagandistic, it can provide us with an accurate sense of it s original intentions, which is why I decided to explore it. 3. Context: 3.1 Political Context: It should come as no surprise that Roosevelt s government was met with disapproval from the press and the public throughout the Great Depression. As of March 1933, for example, at least one out of every four American workers were jobless and only about one quarter of those were receiving any relief, most of it grossly inadequate (qtd. in Stevens and Fogel 12). From the people s perspective, the government was to blame for the misery that had descended upon them. The countless Alphabet Agencies, created by Roosevelt as part of the New Deal, attempted to suppress the crisis. Some were successful in their respective areas, but that didn t mean they were immune to criticism. The Resettlement Administration, for instance, was constantly attacked by the media due to their controversial projects. These projects reflected the views of the RA s first director, Rexford Guy Tugwell. Tugwell wasn t a small political figure in the 1930s. During part of the Great Depression, he served as under secretary of the United States Department of Agriculture. More

8 Civita Ramirez 7 importantly, he was a member of the President's Brain Trust, a team of close, trusted advisors whose opinions had Roosevelt s ear. But Tugwell was a radical individual, whose collectivist, political convictions were deeply troubling for many Americans. His views were labeled idealistic and worse, communistic. In Washington, for example, he was best known as Rex the Red (Jess and Howe 216). He was a lightning rod for attacks against the New Deal, according to scholar Michael Carlebach (13). Tugwell was a strong advocate of planned government intervention. He believed the industrial planning in World War I was successful and advocated agricultural planning led by the industry to end rural poverty. When he was put in charge of the Resettlement Administration, agricultural planning suddenly a plan he could put into action (Namorato 35 54). Soon emerged communal farms, migrant labor camps, and suburban resettlement projects infamously known as Tugwell Towns in the RA. The idea of Tugwell Towns, he said, was to go just outside centers of population, pick up cheap land, build a whole community and entice people into it. Then go back into the cities and tear down whole slums and make parks of them (Jacobs 310). Of course, these programs were met with hostility. Many were critical of his appointment as director in the RA and its programs, respectively. Referring to his role as director, Pulitzer Prize winner Alva Johnston said it was like putting Typhoid Mary in charge of the Public Health Service (qtd. in Carlebach 13). But criticism did nothing to sway Tugwell away from his strong held political convictions. Unfortunately for him, this criticism put the RA s mission in jeopardy. The RA s existence was entirely dependent of Congress funding and approval. It was only a matter of time before congressional members grew skeptical of the effectiveness of the RA s programs. The

9 Civita Ramirez 8 anti New Deal coalition in Congress consistently argued against federal funding for those of the FSA and WPA, claiming that they wasted taxpayers money and encouraged communism and radicalism, explains Finnegan (62). As a result, it didn t take long before Tugwell established the Informational Division in the RA and hired Roy Stryker to kick start the photography project. According to McCamy, publicity activity increases with the amount of hostility to the agency (qtd. in Carlebach 23). With this observation in mind, Michael Carlebach suggests that the RA/FSA photography program s intent was not only to produce a visual encyclopaedia of rural America, but to also convince the wary public, press, and Congress that the RA s programs were effective. Stryker recalled to interviewer Richard K. Doud years later: What so often happens in a bureaucracy, you can t survive(...) We supplied them with material they used. And we were depended on (qtd. in Finnegan 62 63) Visual Context: Arthur Rothstein, one of the many photographers who participated in the photography project, said: There was a feeling that you were in on something new and exciting, a missionary sense of dedication to this project ( ) We had a great social responsibility. We were dedicated to the idea that our lives can be improved, that man is the master of his environment, and it s possible for us to live a better life (qtd. in Carlebach 17). Rothstein s comment seems to epitomize the main objective of documentary photography from the early 20th century: to promote social change via objectivity. He even recognized that the most effective documentary

10 Civita Ramirez 9 photographs are those that convince their observers with such compelling, persuading truth that they are moved to action (qtd. in Carlebach 20). In the 19th century, the photographic domain was dominated by one aesthetic movement: Pictorialism. Rather than valuing objectivity, American photographers were primarily concerned with imitation and illusion, according to Miles Orvell (qtd. in Finnegan 43). The vast majority of artists viewed the camera as a tool for emulating paintings rather than objectively depicting reality. However, the rapid technological developments of film and photographic material in the early 20th century led to a shift in photographic modes: from pictorialism to documentary. Although the interest in photography as a naturalistic medium was not particularly new (Lewis Hine s progressive social photography in the 1890s had paved the way for future photographers), documentary photography only took on cultural significance in the mid thirties. The media came to be utilized by people who were inspired by the machine s capacities to record and analyze reality (qtd. in Finnegan 43 44). The change in the medium s direction towards objectivity was a product of photographers questioning the purposes of their art in light of what was happening around them. Dorothea Lange, at the time a well regarded commercial photographer, credits her experience of photographing a group of unemployed men waiting in a breadline to her shift from fiction to nonfiction. Artistic decisions like these were political ones as well. Undoubtedly, the move to documentary photography was aided by a growing class consciousness during the Great Depression. Lange, for example, came to view her commercial work as inappropriate during the time of crisis. Eventually, many photographers, including those from the RA/FSA project, came to the belief that the camera was most importantly a public communications tool. Our job

11 Civita Ramirez 10 was to educate the city dweller to the needs of the rural population ( ) Be a press agent of the underprivileged, explained Stryker (qtd. in Carlebach 17 19). William Stott extends this argument to another level, arguing that the impulse to documentary was also aided by the people s thirst for documentary material during the Great Depression: By the time the Depression entered its third (and worst) winter, most Americans had grown skeptical of the of abstract promises. More than ever they became worshippers in the cult of experience and believed just what they saw, touched, handled, and the crucial word, felt. (qtd. in Finnegan 44) 4. Content: Susan Sontag writes: Even when photographers are most interested with mirroring reality, they are still haunted by tacit imperatives of taste and conscience. (6) Stryker warned his team repeatedly not to manipulate their subjects in order to get more dramatic images. Regardless of this fact, many of the photographs taken by the talented crew are plagued with bias. Naturally, there are many factors that could influence the way the photographers captured images. For one, the photographers favored one photographic technique over another and came from different cultural backgrounds. Arthur Rothstein studied photography in Columbia University, Russel Lee gained interest in photography when studying chemical engineering, while Marion Post Wolcott learned photography by herself, for example (Stevens and Fogel 13). It s possible that those with less background in photographic theory were less likely to pay attention to composition when capturing an image, for instance.

12 Civita Ramirez 11 Additionally, many photographers had opposing political views, which, again, influenced the image they captured on film. Walker Evans, for example, steered clear of the politics involving his documentation. He writes: The value, and if you like, even the propaganda value for the government lies in the record itself, which, in the long run, will prove an unintelligent and farsighted thing to have done. NO POLITICS WHATEVER. On the opposite end lies Ben Shahn, who, unlike his mentor, had politics written all over his work, to such an extent that Mora and Hill wrote that he was espousing a political radicalism that often verged on Marxism. (qtd. in Stevens and Fogel 12 13) Moreover, as established in the previous section (3.2 Visual Context), the photographers didn t photograph the Great Depression for the sole purpose of record keeping. The documentary movement had the intent of convincing an the audience. But in addition to photographing to promote social change, the photographers explored their artistic inclinations throughout the project. Most of the crew emulated the work of their idol, Walker Evans. Photographer John Falcon even visited and photographed Evans favorite picture taking locations (Curtis 10). Ultimately, many personal factors are reflected in the photographers works. And even at the most basic level, the photographers exercised impartiality during the photographic process. All of the members without exception took series of images of their subjects. These series of photographs were then reviewed by Stryker himself, where he would select his preference. According to Rothstein, Stryker often went through the images and didn t put (those he didn t like) in the files. In some occasions, he added, Skryker wasn t hesitant in killing negatives with a hole punch (qtd. from Curtis 10). Migrant Mother, the FSA s most iconic image, was a product of such method (they all made it to the vault, though). It was the

13 Civita Ramirez 12 sixth and last of a series of pictures. In the first five, writes James Curtis, Dorothea Lange placed her subjects in various poses, both to elicit their cooperation and to set the stage for her final composition. (vii) Of course, this practice was little fault of their own. There is no way the photographers would risk not taking a series of photographs of their subjects to avoid exercising impartiality. It is inevitable. Even Roy Stryker recognizes this fact: The moment that the photographer selects a subject, he is working on the basis of a bias (qtd. in Carlebach 12). Regardless, and to quote from Sontag: In deciding how a picture should look, in preferring one exposure to another, photographers are always imposing standards on their subject. Although there is a sense in which the camera does indeed capture reality, not just interpret it, photographs are as much an interpretation of the world as paintings and drawings are. (6) More shockingly, the RA/FSA photographers manipulated entire photographic series to conform to cultural values of that era. As James Curtis explains: Walker Evans went to great lengths to superimpose his love of neatness and symmetry on the lives of Alabama sharecroppers, Dorothea Lange reduced the size of Migrant Mother s family to suit prevailing norms (see Figures 1 4). Arthur Rothstein borrowed heavily from ( ) motion pictures to dramatize the plight of the Dust Bowl farmers. Russell Lee recreated the nineteenth century small town ideal to allay public anxiety about the growth of a mass, impersonal society at home and abroad. (ix) In one occasion, photographer Arthur Rothstein got in trouble for blatantly moving a skull in his famous steer skull series of photographs (see Figure 5). He was made a political

14 Civita Ramirez 13 scapegoat during a Republican tirade in 1936, according to Curtis (17). Similarly, Curtis suggests that Dorothea Lange cropped her famous image of the white plantation owner and his black field workers in post production to heighten the racial implications of the image (15). These events were seen with indifference by Roy Stryker, suggesting that even though he had warned his crew to be as objective as possible, if they manipulated a photograph to call attention to a known social problem, it was justifiable. This leads us to ask ourselves if the RA/FSA images are truly representative of the reality during the Great Depression. It might be tempting to presume that most of these practices were unconscious decisions made by the photographers, and thus the images are not intentionally biased, thereby rendering the content as less deceitful. Even if that were true, the change in political climate in 1936 led to Stryker making very conscious decisions concerning what and how to photograph. Shortly after Roosevelt's reelection, the Resettlement Administration, previously an independent agency, became part of the massive Department of Agriculture and got a new name: the Farm Security Administration (FSA). Rexford Guy Tugwell resigned from his role as director, part due to the transition, and part due to the more conservative climate in Washington DC. To make matters worse, the FSA was severely underfunded since that summer. Stryker, now in charge, became increasingly more concerned with depicting the health and vitality of farm life (Carlebach 20 21). As a result, Roy Stryker told his staff exactly what to find, and then sent them out into the field to take pictures (qtd. in Stevens and Fogel 16). Essentially, he began to instruct the staff to emphasize growth in their images, and they complied. Photographer Marion Post Wolcott, for instance, recalls that she was instructed by Stryker to get more photographs of the

15 Civita Ramirez 14 positive side of the FSA program and something different for the exhibits that could be used to contrast with the other programs (qtd. in Carlebach 21) and she did (see Figure 6). Bertolt Brecht writes: Reality changes; in order to represent it, modes of representation must change. ("Quotes About Documentary Film and Filmmaking") Unfortunately, this is only half true for the FSA. While conditions were changing for the better by 1936, the emphasis in growth, vigor, and vitality in the images are disproportionate to the actual improvement in farming conditions. Photographer Russell Lee, for example, began photographing small, rural towns as opposed to harsh farming conditions. According to James Curtis, the small town project would (...) allow the file to accumulate positive images of rural life that would balance the necessary but controversial portraits of agrarian distress (18). Throughout the project, Lee studiously avoided compositions that might convey worker dissatisfaction, loneliness, or despair (20) Emphasize the idea of abundance the horn of plenty and pour maple syrup over it, said Stryker when instructing Delano in 1940, I know your dammed photographer s soul writhes, but to hell with it. Do you think I give a damn about a photographer s soul with Hitler at our doorstep (qtd. in Carlebach 23)? Delano, of course, complied (see Figure 7). 5. Conclusion Filmmaker John Grierson, who coined the term documentary, writes: I look on cinema as a pulpit, and use it as a propagandist. ( Quotes About Documentary Film and Filmmaking ) By examining the evidence in Sections 3.1 and 3.2, it is evident that the political and visual context influenced the project s creation and goals, respectively. The program not only had the intent of documenting America, it also had the intent of convincing Americans in order

16 Civita Ramirez 15 to survive through criticism and gain proper funding. Additionally, the goals from the documentary tradition from the 1930s were clearly aligned with the RA/FSA s political intentions, which means that the intent of promoting change was twofold. Hence, the context behind the project highly indicates propagandistic intentions. For the content to not qualify as propaganda, it had to prove itself completely impartial in these three categories: If and how the photographers were instructed on what to photograph. How the photographers photographed. How the photographs were edited and distributed. If the content, however, is found to be biased, misleading, or promoting a point of view in any of these categories, it qualifies as propaganda and can be placed somewhere in the propaganda continuum. Upon first glance, Roy Stryker seemed to simply overlook the project. However, throughout the entirety of the program, he had most editing rights. He determined which photographs were to be stored in the files, which, in turn, determined the images that were sent out to publications. Hence, regarding how the photographs were edited and distributed, the content is found to be slightly biased. Moreover, as the political and economic state of affairs took a turn for the worse in 1936, he instructed his team on what to photograph, ordering them to emphasize the idea of growth, to which the photographers complied. Thus, concerning if and how the photographers were instructed on what to photograph, and whether they followed those instructions, the content is found to be misleading (especially after 1936). Lastly, the photographers explored their artistic inclinations, took series of images as a matter of course,

17 Civita Ramirez 16 came from different cultural backgrounds, had opposing political views, etc. all of which had influenced the images in the rolls of film. Knowing this, when it comes to how the photographers photographed, the content is found to be slightly biased. However, taking into account that the RA/FSA photographers manipulated entire photographic series to conform to cultural values, and that, in more than one occasion, blatantly manipulated objects or subjects in order to convey a message, the content can also be considered deceitful in some circumstances. Taking all of this into account, it obvious that the FSA/RA photographs aren t only subtle propaganda. It is also evident that they aren t pure propaganda either. The FSA/RA photographs belong in the middle of the continuum: mild propaganda. This, in turn, answers the research question: To what extent was the RA/FSA s photography project propagandistic? Since the content qualifies as propaganda, the project itself is propagandistic.

18 Civita Ramirez Figures Figure 1 Figure 2 Figure 3 Figure 4

19 Civita Ramirez 18 Figure 5 Figure 6 Figure 7 All images courtesy of the Library of Congress Prints & Photographs Division.

20 Civita Ramirez 19 Works Cited Carlebach, Michael L. Documentary and Propaganda: The Photographs of the Farm Security Administration. The Journal of Decorative and Propaganda Arts 8.No. (1988): JSTOR. Print. Dec Curtis, James. Mind's Eye, Mind's Truth: FSA Photography Reconsidered. Philadelphia: Temple UP, Print. Finnegan, Cara A. "Documentary as Art in "U.S. Camera"" Rhetoric Society Quarterly 2nd ser. 31.Spring (2001): JSTOR. Taylor & Francis, Ltd. Print. 3 Nov Gilbert, Jess, and Carolyn Howe. "Beyond "State vs. Society": Theories of the State and New Deal Agricultural Policies." American Sociological Review 56.2 (1991): 216. JSTOR. Print. Apr.2015 Jacobs, Jane. "16." The Death and Life of Great American Cities. N.p.: n.p., n.d Print. Apr Meyer, Chris. "The FSA Photographs: Information, or Propaganda?" BU Arts and Sciences Writing Program 1 (n.d.): n. pag. BU Arts and Sciences Writing Program. Web. Nov Namorato, Michael V. Rexford G. Tugwell: A Biography. New York: Praeger, Print. Apr.2015 Sontag, Susan. "In Plato's Cave." On Photography. New York: Picador USA, Print. Apr.2015 Stevens, R. L. and J. A. Fogel. "Images of the Great Depression: A Photographic Essay." OAH Magazine of History 16.1, The Great Depression (2001): JSTOR. Print. Dec

21 Civita Ramirez 20 "Quotes About Documentary Film and Filmmaking" Reel Life Stories: Documentary Film and Video Collections. UC Berkeley Library's Media Resources Center, n.d. Web. Apr

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